Elon Musk, the enigmatic billionaire entrepreneur, inventor, and visionary, has become a household name synonymous with innovation and audacity. Born on June 28, 1971, in Pretoria, South Africa, Musk’s journey from a curious, tech-obsessed child to one of the world’s most influential figures is nothing short of extraordinary. With a net worth fluctuating in the hundreds of billions, he’s the mastermind behind revolutionary companies like Tesla, SpaceX, Neuralink, and The Boring Company, each pushing the boundaries of what humanity believes is possible. His relentless drive has seen him transform the electric vehicle industry, pioneer reusable rocket technology, and even dream of colonizing Mars—ambitions that sound like science fiction but are steadily becoming reality under his leadershi
Musk’s early life hinted at his future brilliance. After teaching himself to code at age 10, he sold his first video game for $500 by 12—an omen of the entrepreneurial spirit that would later define him. Fleeing South Africa at 17 to avoid mandatory military service, he landed in Canada before making his way to the United States, where he earned degrees in physics and economics from the University of Pennsylvania. His first major success came with Zip2, a software company he co-founded and sold for nearly $300 million in 1999. That windfall fueled his next venture, X.com, which evolved into PayPal and cemented his fortune when eBay acquired it for $1.5 billion in 2002.
But Musk isn’t just a businessman—he’s a disruptor with a flair for the dramatic. From tweeting cryptic memes to smoking weed on a podcast, his unpredictable personality keeps the world guessing. Love him or hate him, Musk’s influence is undeniable: Tesla’s market dominance, SpaceX’s historic launches, and his bold $44 billion acquisition of Twitter (now X) in 2022 showcase a man who thrives on risk. Yet, behind the headlines lie untold stories—of sleepless nights, near bankruptcies, and a relentless quest to reshape the future. What drives this modern-day Tony Stark? And what’s the next jaw-dropping move he’s got up his sleeve? Buckle up—Musk’s saga is far from over!
J&K Peoples Conference President and MLA Handwara Sajad Lone has welcomed the Justice and Development Front’s foray into mainstream politics, highlighting its roots in Jamaat-e-Islami.
Acknowledging his past differences with Jamaat, Lone expressed satisfaction over the emergence of a political force from among those who have endured hardship.
“I have had differences with Jamaat in the past. But I am so happy that from amongst the victims a party has emerged,” he stated.
He underscored the significance of this development, asserting, “Victim will understand the pain of the victim. Pretenders will always remain pretenders. Time for the pretenders to make way for victims.”
The KPDCL Managing Director (MD) accompanied by the Superintending Engineer of South Circle Bijbehara and concerned Executive Engineers and other officials, visited South Kashmir to assess the ongoing revenue realization efforts, progress under the RDSS (Revamped Distribution Sector Scheme), the PM Surya Ghar Yojana, and measures taken to ensure a reliable power supply during the Holy month of Ramzan.
During the visit, MD conducted a detailed review of the revenue realized in comparison to set targets, directing concerned officials to expedite the disconnection of consumers with outstanding arrears.
He emphasized the importance of achieving the revenue targets in full and underscored the continued need for rigorous inspections to curb power pilferage and theft.
MD commended the dedicated efforts of the field staff and engineers who have been working tirelessly to improve revenue realization and restore power supply despite several challenges.
He also reviewed the progress made under the RDSS scheme in the region, urging officials from the Project Wing and the Project Implementing Agency, Powergrid Energy Services Ltd (PESL) to accelerate work and ensure timely completion of approved projects.
While reviewing PM Surya Ghar Yojana, he highlighted the need to increase awareness about the scheme and to encourage more consumers to avail themselves of the government subsidy. He called for focused efforts to cover the maximum number of beneficiaries under the scheme.
As part of his visit, the MD toured the Receiving Station Sangam and directed all Sub-Transmission and Distribution level officers to strictly adhere to the curtailment program.
He stressed the importance of efficient power supply management to ensure seamless and reliable power during Ramzan particularly during Sehri and Iftaar.
With adverse weather conditions expected towards the end of the month, the MD advised all officers to remain vigilant & prepared and instructed them to have personnel and materials ready to respond swiftly to any outages and ensure timely restoration of power.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the release of the 19th installment of the PM Kisan Samman Nidhi scheme, transferring approximately Rs 22000 crore directly into the bank accounts of farmers across India. The event, held in Bhagalpur, Bihar, marked a significant moment for the agricultural community, with around Rs 1,600 crore credited to the accounts of nearly 75 lakh farmer families in Bihar alone. Alongside this financial boost, PM Modi inaugurated several development projects, underscoring the government’s commitment to transforming Bihar into a pillar of a developed India, or “Viksit Bharat.”
Addressing a large gathering of farmers, dignitaries, and citizens—many of whom joined virtually—PM Modi highlighted the spiritual and historical significance of the occasion, coinciding with his visit to the land of Mandarachal during the ongoing Maha Kumbh. “It is a great fortune to step into this land, which blends spirituality, heritage, and the potential for Viksit Bharat,” he said. He paid homage to the region’s legacy, mentioning its association with freedom fighter Tilka Manjhi, its reputation as a silk city, and the preparations for Maha Shivaratri at Baba Ajgaibinath.
Empowering Farmers Nationwide
The centerpiece of the event was the release of the 19th installment of PM KISAN, a flagship scheme aimed at providing direct income support to farmers. “Around Rs 22,000 crore has been credited directly into the bank accounts of farmers through Direct Benefit Transfer,” PM Modi announced, emphasizing the scheme’s role in uplifting small and marginal farmers. He noted that over the past six years, the initiative has disbursed approximately Rs 3.7 lakh crore nationwide, with Bihar playing a significant role as a beneficiary state.
PM Modi reiterated his vision of Viksit Bharat, built on four pillars: the poor, farmers, youth, and women. “The welfare of farmers remains a priority for both the central and state governments. Over the last decade, we have worked tirelessly to address every challenge faced by farmers,” he said. He outlined key interventions, including access to modern seed varieties, affordable fertilizers, improved irrigation, livestock disease protection, and disaster relief through the PM Fasal Bima Yojana, which has disbursed Rs 1.75 lakh crore in claims.
The Prime Minister contrasted the current scenario with the past, recalling how farmers once struggled with urea shortages and black marketing. “Today, farmers receive sufficient fertilizers, even during the pandemic, because of our proactive measures,” he said. He highlighted the affordability of urea, available at less than Rs 300 per bag in India, compared to Rs 3,000 in some countries, with the government absorbing the additional costs—amounting to Rs 12 lakh crore over the past decade.
Bihar’s Agricultural Transformation
PM Modi praised Bihar’s strides in agriculture and allied sectors, crediting the collaborative efforts of his government and Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar. He pointed to the state’s rise in milk production, which has contributed to India’s position as the world’s leading milk producer, increasing from 14 crore tons to 24 crore tons over the past decade. In Bihar, cooperative milk unions procure 30 lakh liters daily, injecting over Rs 3,000 crore annually into the accounts of livestock farmers, particularly women, whom he referred to as “Lakhpati Didis.” Nationwide, 1.25 crore such women have emerged, including thousands in Bihar.
The fisheries sector has also seen remarkable growth, with Bihar climbing from the top 10 to the top five fish-producing states in India. PM Modi credited schemes like the Kisan Credit Card for fishermen and initiatives like the Namami Gange campaign, which has bolstered biodiversity, including the Ganga dolphin population in Bhagalpur.
Development Projects for Bihar
Beyond agriculture, PM Modi launched several infrastructure and industrial projects to catalyze Bihar’s development. He highlighted the revival of the Barauni fertilizer plant and the upcoming milk plant in Barauni, set to benefit 3 lakh farmers and create jobs for the youth. A Center of Excellence in Motihari will focus on developing superior indigenous cattle breeds, while a National Institute of Food Technology and Entrepreneurship will position Bihar as a food processing hub in eastern India.
The Prime Minister also announced the establishment of three Centers of Excellence in agriculture—focusing on Jardalu mangoes in Bhagalpur, and tomatoes, onions, and potatoes in Munger and Buxar. Infrastructure projects include a four-lane bridge over the Ganga River, costing over Rs 1,100 crore, and the Western Kosi Canal ERM Project, which will irrigate 50,000 hectares in the Mithilanchal region.
In the textile sector, PM Modi emphasized Bhagalpur’s potential with Bhagalpuri and Tussar silk, announcing modern facilities like dyeing and processing units to boost exports. He also celebrated the formation of the 10,000th Farmer Producer Organization (FPO) in Khagaria, Bihar, focusing on maize, banana, and paddy, connecting 30 lakh farmers nationwide to market opportunities.
A Vision for Purvodaya
PM Modi framed Bihar as the cornerstone of “Purvodaya”—the rise of eastern India—asserting that its development is integral to Viksit Bharat. He criticized past governments for neglecting the state, vowing to restore its historical glory akin to ancient Pataliputra. “We are committed to modern connectivity, road networks, and public welfare schemes,” he said, citing projects like the Munger-Bhagalpur-Mirza Chauki highway and a new rail line from Vikramshila to Kataria.
The event saw the presence of Bihar Governor Arif Muhammad Khan, Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, and Union Ministers Shivraj Singh Chouhan, Giriraj Singh, Chirag Paswan, and others, reflecting a united front for Bihar’s progress. PM Modi concluded with a call to action, urging farmers and citizens to join hands in building a prosperous future, while extending warm greetings to all beneficiaries of the PM KISAN scheme.
In a major political development in Jammu and Kashmir, former members of the banned Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) have announced the formation of a new political party, the Jammu Kashmir Justice Development Front (JKJDF). The announcement was made during a workers’ convention in Kulgam, a region historically considered a stronghold of Jamaat activities.
While the newly formed JKJDF presents itself as a fresh political initiative, it primarily consists of former JeI members, aiming to provide them with a structured platform to engage in democratic politics. The party has already submitted an application to the Election Commission of India (ECI), seeking official recognition and an election symbol to contest in upcoming elections.
A New Political Identity
The party’s president, Shameem Ahmad, a former Jamaat-e-Islami leader, expressed confidence in JKJDF’s future, stating that the party’s primary objective is to create a governance model based on justice, transparency, and real development. “We are committed to genuine progress and will work towards empowering the people of Jammu and Kashmir,” Ahmad said.
Another key figure in the party, Sayir Reshi, who had previously contested in the Assembly elections, emphasized that JKJDF is dedicated to establishing a justice-driven political framework. “Unlike traditional parties that make empty promises, we aim to provide people with a platform that ensures real development,” he stated.
Seeking Legitimacy Through the Election Commission
JKJDF’s leadership has officially approached the Election Commission to register the party and obtain an election symbol, a move that signals their intention to actively participate in the upcoming local body and panchayat elections.
“Our past experience of contesting elections without a formal party structure limited our ability to connect with the people effectively. Now, with JKJDF, we will have a collective identity and a clear mission,” Ahmad added.
Impact on Jammu and Kashmir Politics
The formation of JKJDF is being seen as a significant political shift in Kashmir, especially as it involves former Jamaat-e-Islami members, a group that was banned by the Indian government in 2019 under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA). The ban came after authorities alleged that Jamaat had links to militant organizations, a charge that the group has consistently denied.
For years, JeI members were barred from political participation, but in recent months, discussions between the Centre and former Jamaat members hinted at a possible easing of restrictions. The decision to form JKJDF and contest elections under a new political identity suggests a strategic move by former Jamaat leaders to reintegrate into mainstream politics.
Political analysts believe that the Centre’s encouragement of former JeI members to participate in elections is part of a broader plan to integrate various political voices within the democratic framework. However, it remains to be seen how the public and rival political parties in Jammu and Kashmir will respond to this development.
Future Plans of JKJDF
JKJDF has announced plans to officially launch its political campaign from Srinagar in the coming weeks. The party has also committed to fielding educated representatives across the region who will work “selflessly for the common people.”
With the party’s application pending approval from the Election Commission, the next few weeks will be crucial in determining whether JKJDF secures formal recognition and an election symbol.
A New Dawn or a Political Gamble?
The launch of JKJDF marks a new chapter in Kashmir’s political landscape, but questions remain:
Will JKJDF be accepted as a mainstream party, or will its Jamaat-e-Islami links remain a hurdle?
Can the party gain support among voters in the region?
Will the government view this as a positive step towards political integration?
As Kashmir heads toward another electoral season, all eyes will be on JKJDF’s next moves and its potential impact on the region’s politics.
In a striking development that could reshape the political contours of Jammu and Kashmir, former members of the banned Jamaat-e-Islami have taken a decisive step toward integrating into India’s democratic mainstream. The launch of the Justice and Development Forum in Kulgam by ex-members of the socio-religious outfit, once associated with separatist ideologies, marks a bold departure from their past. This transition offers a unique opportunity for the Government of India to reinforce its commitment to peace and inclusivity in a region long plagued by conflict. By backing this move, the government can turn a moment of transformation into a cornerstone of stability and progress.
A Shift from the Past
Jamaat-e-Islami Jammu and Kashmir, established in 1953 as a distinct entity from its Indian and Pakistani counterparts, has historically been a polarizing force. With a strong cadre base and a focus on Islamic governance, it once advocated for self-determination in Kashmir, aligning itself with Pakistan’s narrative during the pre-militancy era. Its influence peaked in the 1970s when it contested elections and won seats, but its trajectory shifted dramatically after the rigged 1987 polls, which many see as a catalyst for the insurgency that followed. By the 1990s, the group distanced itself from electoral politics, and its alleged ties to militancy—most notably as an ideological influence on Hizbul Mujahideen—led to its ban in 2019 under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act.
The emergence of the Justice and Development Forum signals a rupture with this legacy. Unveiled in 2025, the new party explicitly prioritizes grassroots activism, social justice, and development over the ideological battles of the past. “We will go to the grassroots and fight social evils across Kashmir,” its representatives declared, signaling a focus on governance and welfare rather than separatism. This pivot is not merely rhetorical; it reflects a pragmatic response to a changing Jammu and Kashmir, where the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019 and subsequent political realignments have redefined the region’s dynamics.
Why This Matters
The significance of this shift cannot be overstated. For decades, Jammu and Kashmir has been a battleground of competing narratives—between separatism and integration, militancy and peace. The decision by former Jamaat members to form a political party within India’s constitutional framework is a tacit acknowledgment that the future lies in democratic engagement, not armed resistance. It mirrors broader trends in the region, where voter turnout has surged since 2019, and even hardline voices have softened their stance on electoral participation.
This move also challenges the stereotype of Jamaat-e-Islami as an irredeemable radical outfit. While its past cannot be erased, the willingness of its former members to eschew extremism and embrace mainstream politics suggests a desire for redemption and relevance. The Justice and Development Forum’s stated goals—tackling social issues like poverty, education, and healthcare—resonate with the aspirations of ordinary Kashmiris, who have borne the brunt of decades of unrest. If nurtured, this initiative could channel the group’s organizational prowess into constructive ends, weakening the appeal of militancy in the process.
The Case for Government Support
The Government of India stands at a crossroads. It can either view this development with suspicion, doubling down on security measures, or seize it as a chance to build bridges. The latter approach offers greater promise. By supporting the Justice and Development Forum—provided it adheres to legal and democratic norms—the government can achieve several strategic objectives.
First, it would bolster the narrative of integration that New Delhi has pursued since 2019. The abrogation of Article 370 was framed as a step toward unifying Jammu and Kashmir with India. Encouraging reformed Jamaat members to participate in this vision validates that policy, proving that even those once opposed to it can find a place within the Indian fold. This could inspire other sidelined groups to follow suit, diluting the influence of separatist holdouts.
Second, it would enhance grassroots governance. Jammu and Kashmir’s political vacuum has long been exploited by both militants and opportunistic mainstream parties. A new player like the Justice and Development Forum, with its emphasis on local issues, could fill this gap, offering a counterweight to established dynasties like the National Conference and Peoples Democratic Party. Its roots in Jamaat’s extensive network give it a head start in mobilizing communities—a strength the government could harness for development projects.
Third, it aligns with global precedents of reintegration. From Northern Ireland’s IRA to Colombia’s FARC, former militant or radical groups have been successfully brought into democratic systems through incentives and oversight. In India’s own Northeast, former insurgents now hold elected office, contributing to stability. Jammu and Kashmir deserves a similar experiment, tailored to its unique context.
Addressing Concerns
Critics will argue that backing the Forum risks legitimizing a group with a tainted history. Security agencies, already wary of Jamaat’s past, are closely watching its offshoots, and any hint of subversion could reignite tensions. This concern is valid but not insurmountable. The government can mitigate risks by imposing strict conditions—full compliance with the Constitution, transparency in funding, and zero tolerance for extremism. Regular monitoring and dialogue with the Forum’s leadership would ensure accountability without stifling its potential.
There’s also the question of public perception. Some in Kashmir may see this as a betrayal of Jamaat’s original ideals, while others in India might view it as a concession to a former adversary. The government must counter this by framing its support as a victory for democracy, not a compromise. Highlighting the Forum’s focus on welfare over ideology could win over skeptics on both sides.
A Path Forward
The Justice and Development Forum is still in its nascent stages, and its success is far from guaranteed. Its leaders must prove their sincerity through actions—contesting elections, delivering on promises, and staying clear of divisive rhetoric. The government, in turn, should adopt a phased approach: lifting restrictions on Jamaat affiliates who demonstrate good faith, providing platforms for their voices, and integrating them into policy discussions.
This bold move by Jamaat-e-Islami’s reformed members is a rare opening in a region where opportunities for peace are hard-won. The Government of India should back it—not out of naivety, but out of a calculated belief that inclusivity is the strongest weapon against division. By doing so, it can transform a fractured past into a shared future, proving that even in Jammu and Kashmir, the arc of history can bend toward progress.
(writer : Sheikh Mohammad Isa, A famous Kashmiri Writer)
Former members of the banned Jamaat-e-Islami have launched a new political party, the Justice and Development Forum, in Kulgam, Jammu and Kashmir. The group announced its intention to work at the grassroots level and address social issues across the region.
“We are launching a new political party. We will go to the grassroots and fight social evils across Kashmir,” the party’s representatives said while unveiling their plans.
The move comes years after the central government banned Jamaat-e-Islami in 2019, citing its alleged links with separatist activities. The newly formed Justice and Development Forum, however, claims to focus solely on social justice, development, and public welfare.
Political analysts view this development as a significant shift in the region’s political landscape, as former members of the banned outfit seek to re-enter mainstream politics. The party’s formation is expected to draw attention from both local authorities and central agencies, given its members’ past affiliations.
Security agencies are closely monitoring the party’s activities to ensure compliance with legal and constitutional frameworks. Meanwhile, the party’s leaders have asserted that their focus remains on governance, justice, and public welfare, distancing themselves from any controversial agendas.
JKPCC Chief Tariq Hameed Karra today asked BJP to explain whether the commitment to restore statehood was another Jumla of Modi government.
Addressing a largely attended workers convention of District Jammu rural at Muthi today Karra questioned the local BJP for its stand over the continued neglect of most popular demand of people of entire Jammu & Kashmir by the centre government and was it like several other jumlas of Modi government,which were never fulfilled.
Asserting that Congress would not rest till the centre government fulfills the commitment of statehood ,made on the floor of parliament,before the supreme Court and the people of J&K, during recent assembly elections also.Most surprising is the total silence of local BJP unit and party’s MLAs after getting huge mandate from people. Is it not a continued deceit of the centre over the most fundamental demand of general public and the right of people.
He said people are suffering in the absence of powers with the elected government and various sections like unemployed youth, daily wagers, contractual, adhoc, consolidated temporary & NHM employees, anganwadi workers, asha workers, spos etc are awaiting justice from the government.
He said Dogras are worst hit & most hurt by the loss of identity, status, dignity and the rights to protect their land, jobs and natural resources, which are being looted and taken over by influential outsiders besides invasion on their dogra culture, language and peaceful co- existence.
The convention was organised by DCC Rural under the leadership of Th Hari Singh Chib and attended by working Presidents Tara Chand, Raman Bhalla, Ch Lal Singh, AICC Secretary Neeraj Kundan, IYC President Udey Bhanu Chib, Mula Ram, Balwan Singh, Ravinder Sharma, Yogesh Sawhney, Ved Mahajan,Dr Manohar Lal Sharma, MLA, Iftikhar Ahmed, Rajnish Sharma Mian, Shashi Sharma, T S Tony, Gurdarshan Singh, Balbir Singh IYC General Secretary Man Singh, Suresh Dogra, Narinder Sharma, Vijay Sharma, Bhushan Dogra, Ashok Bhagat, Ajay Lakhotra, Sanjeev Panda, Neeraj Gupta, Madan Lal Chalotra, Rajiv Saraf Kapil Singh, Rajni Bala, Rajinder Happy, Jatinder Bhagat,Tamanna Heer, Parveen Akhtar, Anuradha Sharma, Jang Bhadur, Vijyant Pathania & Ricky Dalotra,
Karra said that Congress has a history of sacrifices before and after independence as it’s two prime ministers sacrificef lives while BJP has a legacy of ” Mafinama ” Party and today seeks certificate of nationalism from Congress. Our ideology and nation’s constitution is based on unity in diversity while BJP belives in division and communalism for vote bank politics.
Addressing the gathering Tara Chand talked of the role of Congress in uniting people and uplifting the downtrodden as a result the dalits occupied prime positions in the government and services due to reservation in the constitution while urging to safeguard the constitution.
He also expressed over rising crime in Jammu and incidents of loot,dacoity and other criminal activity besides drugs mafia,seeking check.
Raman Bhalla in his address referred to large scale development during the ten years of UPA rule and coalition government in the state but our identity and rights were snatched arbitrarily by the Modi government and now hoodwinking the people of Jammu Kashmir.
He said that Congress will continue to fight for this but our chief minister and NC should also vigorously take up the popular demand for early restoration of statehood.
Former MP Ch Lal Singh targetted centre for snatching Dogra identity and special status for protection of our land, jobs & culture,initially granted by Maharaja Hari Singh ji. The BJP MLAs have gone into hibernation after getting huge mandate from Jammu and beyra.
A 36-year-old woman from South Kashmir’s Pulwama district has made history by becoming the first female truck driver in Kashmir. Rabiya Yaseen, who has defied societal norms and stereotypes, is now a trailblazer in a profession traditionally dominated by men.
Rabiya’s journey began with a love for driving. Married to Mohammad Imtiyaz four years ago, she initially drove smaller vehicles. Encouraged by her husband, Rabiya soon made the transition to heavy trucks, obtained a valid driving license, and began driving long-distance across the country. She now travels to states such as Tamil Nadu, Bihar, Maharashtra, West Bengal, and Telangana.
“I always had a passion for driving, and with my husband’s support, I started driving trucks,” Rabiya told Rising Kashmir. Her achievement has gained significant attention, with a viral photo of her behind the wheel bringing her story to national media outlets.
In a region where women in the transport industry are virtually unheard of, Rabiya has found strong support within her family. “Rabiya always wanted to drive a truck. She expressed her desire, and we all supported her decision,” said her mother-in-law, Shehnaza Begum.
Despite the challenges of balancing work and motherhood, Rabiya’s determination has remained steadfast. “It was difficult, but we all supported her in overcoming these challenges,” Shehnaza added.
For the past three years, Rabiya has been driving across India, challenging traditional gender roles with each mile. Her story highlights the potential of women when they are given the right support and opportunities, standing as an inspiration for others in Kashmir and beyond.
On February 22, 2025, Nael Saleh Barghouti, a name etched into the annals of Palestinian resistance, walked free after 44 years in Israeli prisons—the longest-serving Palestinian political prisoner in history. Born on October 27, 1957, in the village of Kobar near Ramallah, Barghouti’s journey from a defiant schoolboy to a symbol of steadfastness culminated today in a release marred by exile, barring him from returning to the West Bank soil he fought for. His story is one of resilience, loss, and an unyielding commitment to his people, set against the backdrop of Israel’s occupation since 1967.
Barghouti’s resistance began early. At 10, during the 1967 Six-Day War, he witnessed Israeli forces invade Kobar, bombing the village entrance. Joining his family on their rooftop, he chanted against the soldiers and threw stones—a child’s act of defiance that foreshadowed a life of struggle. Raised in a farming family, he attended Kobar’s primary school before moving to Prince Hassan School in Birzeit. An avid reader of Palestinian, Arab, and Islamic history, his education was cut short in December 1977, when, at 20, he was arrested for anti-occupation activities and sentenced to three months in military prison.
Released in early 1978, Barghouti’s freedom was fleeting. In April, he, his brother Omar, and cousin Fakhri were arrested, charged with killing an Israeli officer near Ramallah. The military court, notorious for its near-100% conviction rate of Palestinians, handed him a staggering 117-year sentence. Thus began a decades-long odyssey behind bars, where he would evolve from a young activist into a revered figure among Palestinian prisoners.
Prison became Barghouti’s crucible. Initially aligned with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), he joined Fatah, the backbone of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) under Yasser Arafat. In 1983, disillusioned by the PLO’s defeat in Lebanon’s 1982 war—where Israel expelled the group to Tunisia amid massacres like Sabra and Shatila—he broke away to join Fatah al-Intifada, a splinter faction. As that group waned in the 1980s, he embraced the emerging Islamic Resistance Movement (Hamas) during the First Intifada in 1987, reflecting a shift toward Islamist resistance. Inside jail, he earned the title “Dean of Palestinian Prisoners,” mentoring others and advocating for their rights.
The years took a toll. Barghouti’s parents died—his father in 2004, his mother in 2005—both denied his presence at their funerals. Physical and psychological abuse marked his detention, yet his spirit endured. After 33 uninterrupted years, freedom came in October 2011 via the Wafa al-Ahrar deal, where Hamas swapped 1,027 prisoners, including Barghouti, for Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit. Returning to Kobar at 54, he sought normalcy, marrying Iman Nafeh, a former prisoner who had served 15.5 years. Their November 2011 wedding was a national celebration, a rare moment of joy after decades apart. “He was desperate to claim a sense of normalcy,” Iman recalled. Barghouti farmed his land and enrolled at al-Quds University to study history, chasing dreams deferred.
That dream shattered in June 2014. Israeli forces rearrested him, citing a speech at Birzeit University as a violation of the exchange deal—an accusation critics called baseless. His 117-year sentence was reinstated, a move condemned as a breach of the 2011 agreement. Iman, who had spent only 31 months with him, watched helplessly as soldiers took him before he could harvest his crops. Back in prison, Barghouti resumed his advocacy, joining Hamas’s 2021 “Jerusalem Is Our Promise” electoral list before its cancellation by Mahmoud Abbas. In December 2023, he endured the “Three-Hour Assault,” a brutal beating by guards that fractured his ribs, part of escalating abuses post-October 7, 2023.
Today’s release, tied to a Hamas-Israel ceasefire deal, ends his 44-year ordeal—34 years until 2011, plus a decade since 2014. Yet, it’s bittersweet. Israel insists on deporting him, likely to Egypt or Qatar, denying him a return to Kobar. Iman, restricted from traveling, faces another separation. “He will refuse exile if it means leaving his land,” she told reporters, echoing his deep ties to the West Bank. The deal, exchanging Palestinian prisoners for Israeli hostages, reflects Israel’s policy of exiling those convicted of killing Israelis, a practice decried as collective punishment.
Barghouti’s story mirrors the Palestinian experience under occupation. Since 1967, Israel has controlled the West Bank, expanding settlements—over 700,000 settlers by 2025—displacing families like his. Military courts, with conviction rates exceeding 99%, have detained thousands, often without due process. Barghouti’s 44 years surpass even global records for political imprisonment, a stark symbol of this system. His shifts—Fatah to Hamas—trace the liberation struggle’s evolution, from secular nationalism to religious resistance, shaped by defeats and uprisings.
His personal losses are profound. Beyond his parents, his brother Omar spent 26 years imprisoned, and the family faced relentless raids and demolitions. His brief freedom in 2011-2014 offered a glimpse of life—marriage, farming, study—only for it to be snatched away. Iman’s words in These Chains Will Be Broken capture their bond: “Our love was a victory against the prison system.” Yet, exile now threatens that victory, a final twist in a saga of endurance.
What lies ahead? At 67, Barghouti’s health is frail—years of torture, starvation, and beatings have left scars. Yet, his release galvanizes Palestinians. Some liken him to Nelson Mandela, a prisoner-turned-leader, though exile complicates that path. His voice, honed by decades of reflection, could resonate from abroad, uniting factions or inspiring the diaspora. For now, he steps into an uncertain future, a free man denied his home.
Nael Barghouti’s 44 years encapsulate a struggle larger than himself. From a boy on a rooftop to the “Dean” behind bars, he embodies resistance against overwhelming odds. Today’s release closes a chapter, but not the story—of a man, a family, and a people who refuse to break.
On a crisp December day in 2017, a 16-year-old Palestinian girl with wild blonde curls and a steely gaze stood in the courtyard of her family home in Nabi Salih, a small village in the Israeli-occupied West Bank. Ahed Tamimi faced two armed Israeli soldiers, her hands swinging in a flurry of slaps and shoves, her voice sharp with fury. The incident, captured on video by her mother and shared with the world, was no isolated outburst—it was the culmination of a life steeped in resistance, a moment that would propel her into global consciousness as a symbol of Palestinian defiance against occupation.
Palestinian girl Ahed Tamimi (C) challenges Israeli soldiers during a protest in the West Bank.Anadolu Agency / Getty Images file
Born on January 31, 2001, Ahed Tamimi has spent her entire existence under the shadow of Israel’s military control, where checkpoints, night raids, and the loss of land to settlements are daily realities. Her story, now etched into the annals of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as of , is one of courage, controversy, and unrelenting struggle. To her supporters, she is a “lioness,” a young woman who embodies the resilience of a people fighting for freedom. To her detractors, she is a provocateur, a threat to security whose actions inflame an already volatile region. This article delves into her life, her family’s legacy, and the broader forces that have shaped her into an enduring icon.
Historical Context: Nabi Salih and the Roots of Resistance
To understand Ahed Tamimi, one must first grasp the world she inhabits. Nabi Salih, a village of under 600 people nestled 20 kilometers northwest of Ramallah, has been a microcosm of Palestinian resistance since the late 2000s. The catalyst came in 2009, when the nearby Israeli settlement of Halamish, established in 1977 on land Palestinians claim as theirs, annexed a crucial freshwater spring long used by Nabi Salih’s residents. This act, emblematic of broader settlement expansion across the West Bank, sparked weekly protests organized by the village’s Popular Struggle Coordination Committee, co-founded by Ahed’s father, Bassem Tamimi.
The West Bank itself has been under Israeli military occupation since the 1967 Six-Day War, when Israel captured it from Jordan along with East Jerusalem, Gaza, and the Golan Heights. The Oslo Accords of the 1990s promised a path to Palestinian statehood, dividing the West Bank into Areas A, B, and C, with Israel retaining full control over 60% of the territory (Area C), including Nabi Salih. Yet, decades later, settlement growth has accelerated—by 2025, over 700,000 Israeli settlers live in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, according to Peace Now, often on land expropriated from Palestinians. For Nabi Salih, the loss of the spring was not just a practical blow but a symbolic one, galvanizing a community to resist.
Ahed Tamimi exits an armored military vehicle as she is released by the Israeli army after serving an eight month sentence at the entrance of her village of Nebi Saleh in the West Bank, July 29, 2018. AP Photo/Nasser Shiyoukhi)
Bassem Tamimi envisioned the protests as nonviolent, drawing inspiration from figures like Martin Luther King Jr. and Mahatma Gandhi. Yet, the Israeli military’s response—tear gas, rubber bullets, and live ammunition—often turned peaceful marches into violent clashes. By 2017, the Tamimi family estimated that over 150 military raids had targeted their home, a testament to their role as protest leaders and the price they paid for it.
Early Life: A Childhood Forged in Struggle
Ahed Tamimi was born into this volatile reality, the eldest daughter of Bassem and Nariman Tamimi. Her father, a wiry man with a sharp intellect, had been arrested at least nine times by 2017, spending over three years in Israeli prisons for charges ranging from organizing protests to stone-throwing—accusations he often contested as fabricated. Nariman, a fierce matriarch, was no less committed, frequently filming the military’s actions to document abuses, a practice that would later amplify Ahed’s confrontations.
Growing up, Ahed knew no other life. Her earliest memories include the acrid sting of tear gas and the sound of soldiers banging on the door. “I don’t remember a time when the occupation wasn’t part of our lives,” she wrote in her 2022 memoir, They Called Me a Lioness: A Palestinian Girl’s Fight for Freedom, co-authored with journalist Dena Takruri. Her childhood was punctuated by loss—cousins injured or killed, family members detained—and by moments of defiance that would define her.
At age 11, in August 2012, Ahed gained her first taste of global attention. During a protest, her mother was arrested, and Ahed was filmed confronting soldiers, her small frame dwarfed by their gear as she shouted and raised her fists. The video spread rapidly online, earning her praise from Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas, who called her a “brave girl.” That same year, another incident saw her trying to free her older brother from detention, her image plastered across media with headlines like “The Girl Who Stood Up.” Then-Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan invited her to Turkey, a trip that cemented her status as a child symbol of resistance.
In 2015, at 14, she was recorded biting and hitting a soldier who pinned her younger brother to the ground for allegedly throwing stones—an act that further fueled her reputation. These early encounters were not orchestrated stunts, as some critics claimed, but visceral reactions rooted in a family ethos of resistance. “We were taught to stand up, not to be silent,” Ahed later told Al Jazeera.
The 2017 Incident: A Slap Heard Around the World
The defining moment of Ahed’s life came on December 15, 2017. That morning, her 15-year-old cousin Mohammed Tamimi was shot in the head with a rubber-coated bullet during a Nabi Salih protest, leaving him in a coma with part of his skull shattered. Hours later, two Israeli soldiers entered the Tamimi courtyard, ostensibly to monitor the village. Ahed, enraged by her cousin’s injury and the soldiers’ presence, confronted them. The video, filmed by Nariman, shows her slapping and kicking the soldiers, who remain largely impassive, their rifles slung over their shoulders.
Ahed Tamimi / Image Source Different Israeli Media Agencies Loaded This Image
Within hours, the footage went viral, amassing millions of views. For Palestinians, it was a raw expression of their frustration—here was a teenage girl, unarmed, facing down the might of an occupying army. Protests erupted globally, with hashtags like #AhedTamimi and #FreeAhed trending. Murals of her appeared in Gaza, Belfast, and Los Angeles, often paired with slogans like “Resist” or “Freedom.”
In Israel, the reaction was starkly different. Politicians like Naftali Bennett, then education minister, demanded she “end her life in prison,” while others labeled her a “terrorist.” Right-wing commentators dubbed her “Shirley Temper,” mocking her defiance as childish tantrums. The military arrested her on December 19 in a predawn raid, followed by Nariman and cousin Nour. Charged with assault, incitement (based on her call in the video for resistance), and prior stone-throwing, Ahed faced Israel’s military court system.
The trial was a spectacle. Held in Ofer military prison, it drew international observers who criticized the proceedings as a sham—military courts convict over 99% of Palestinians, per B’Tselem data. Ahed’s plea bargain in March 2018 resulted in an eight-month sentence and a 5,000-shekel fine (about $1,400 USD). She served her time in HaSharon prison, emerging on July 29, 2018, to a crowd of supporters waving Palestinian flags.
Life After 2018: A Voice on the Global Stage
Prison did not silence Ahed—it amplified her. Upon release, she declared her intent to study law, aiming to “hold the occupation accountable internationally,” as she told reporters. Denied a U.S. visa in 2016 for a planned tour titled “No Child Behind Bars,” she now traveled to Spain, France, and Jordan, speaking at rallies and universities. Her message was clear: the occupation must end, and Palestinian youth deserve freedom.
In 2022, while pursuing a B.A., Ahed released They Called Me a Lioness. The memoir, written with Dena Takruri, offers a firsthand account of her life—nights interrupted by raids, the trauma of detention, and her resolve to fight on. Critics lauded its emotional depth; Kirkus Reviews called it “a trenchant testimony,” and it won a Palestine Book Award. Yet, some, like The Jerusalem Post, argued it oversimplified the conflict, lacking Israeli perspectives.
Her prominence came at a cost. The Tamimi family faced ongoing harassment—settlers vandalized their home, and Bassem’s arrests persisted, seen by many as leverage to quiet Ahed. “They want to break us, but they won’t,” she told CNN in 2019.
The 2023 Arrest: War and Controversy
The Israel-Hamas war, ignited on October 7, 2023, by Hamas’s attack on Israel, brought Ahed back into the spotlight. On November 6, amid a West Bank crackdown detaining over 2,000 Palestinians, she was arrested again. The military pointed to an Instagram post under her name, allegedly threatening to “slaughter” settlers and invoking the Holocaust—a message her family insisted she didn’t write, claiming her account was hacked. With dozens of fake profiles mimicking her online, their defense was plausible but unproven.
Held under administrative detention—Israel’s practice of imprisoning without charge, condemned by groups like Amnesty International—Ahed endured weeks of isolation. Released on November 29, 2023, in a prisoner swap with Hamas, she returned alleging beatings and sleep deprivation. She claimed interrogators threatened her father’s life—Bassem, detained separately, remained in custody into 2025—to silence her. “Their cruelty only makes us stronger,” she told Al Jazeera.
Legal and Ethical Dimensions: A System Under Scrutiny
Ahed’s arrests spotlight Israel’s military justice system. Unlike Israeli settlers, who face civilian courts, Palestinians in the West Bank fall under military law, a dual system critics call apartheid-like. Administrative detention, used against Ahed in 2023, allows indefinite holds based on secret evidence, with over 1,000 Palestinians detained this way by late 2023, per B’Tselem. Human Rights Watch has documented abuses in these facilities, including torture, aligning with Ahed’s post-release claims.
Her 2017 slap raised ethical questions: Was it violence or resistance? Legal scholar Noura Erakat argues it’s the latter, contextualizing it against decades of dispossession. Israeli officials counter that such acts escalate tensions, justifying their response. The debate remains unresolved, reflecting the conflict’s moral ambiguity.
Global Reactions: A Polarized World
Ahed’s story has elicited starkly divided responses. In 2018, South Africa’s Desmond Tutu praised her as “a shining example of resistance,” while Spain’s Podemos party invited her to speak. Conversely, U.S. commentators like Fox News’ Sean Hannity called her a “propaganda tool.” During her 2023 detention, PEN International demanded her release, while Israel’s Itamar Ben-Gvir celebrated it as a security win.
Her image—blonde, youthful, defiant—challenges Western stereotypes, amplifying her reach. “She’s not what people expect a Palestinian fighter to look like, and that’s why she’s so powerful,” activist Abby Martin told Empire Files.
Conclusion: The Lioness Endures
As of February 22, 2025, Ahed Tamimi, now 24, remains a lightning rod. Her plans to wield law against the occupation signal a maturing activism, but with Bassem still detained and the West Bank in turmoil, her fight is personal as much as political. She is a paradox—a child of conflict who became its face, a symbol of hope and division. In her own words from They Called Me a Lioness, “We are not victims; we are survivors who resist.” Whether lioness or lightning rod, Ahed’s roar continues to echo, a testament to a struggle that refuses to fade.
Maulana Abul Kalam Azad stands as one of the most remarkable figures in the history of India’s struggle for independence—a scholar, journalist, and political leader whose intellectual prowess and foresight left an indelible mark on the subcontinent’s trajectory. Born on 11 November 1888 in Mecca, in what is now Saudi Arabia, to an Indian family displaced by the fallout of the 1857 Indian Rebellion, Azad’s life was shaped by a deep commitment to unity, education, and the rejection of divisive ideologies. Among his many contributions, perhaps his most striking legacy is his prescient prediction in 1946 of the eventual fragmentation of Pakistan, a prophecy that came to fruition with the establishment of Bangladesh in 1971. This article explores Azad’s life, his unwavering advocacy for Hindu-Muslim unity, and the extraordinary accuracy of his warnings about the instability of a nation founded on religious separatism.
Early Life and Intellectual Awakening
Azad’s family history was rooted in the upheavals of colonial India. After the failed 1857 uprising against British rule, his father, Maulana Khairuddin, relocated to Mecca, where Azad was born into an environment steeped in Islamic scholarship and Indian cultural heritage. In 1898, when Azad was ten, the family returned to India and settled in Calcutta (now Kolkata). From a young age, Azad displayed an insatiable curiosity and a profound love for books. By the age of twelve, he was already contributing articles to children’s magazines, showcasing an early talent for writing that would later define his revolutionary influence.
Educated primarily at home under his father’s tutelage, Azad mastered Arabic, Persian, Urdu, and Islamic theology, while also teaching himself English and delving into Western philosophy. This eclectic education shaped his worldview, blending traditional Islamic thought with modern ideas of nationalism and unity. By his late teens, Azad had emerged as a prolific writer and thinker, determined to use his pen as a weapon against colonial oppression and communal division.
The Revolutionary Voice of Al-Hilal
In 1912, at the age of 24, Azad launched Al-Hilal, a weekly Urdu magazine that became a clarion call for Indian nationalism and Hindu-Muslim unity. Published from Calcutta, Al-Hilal was revolutionary in its tone and content, urging Indians—regardless of religion—to unite against British rule. Its bold editorials and incisive critiques of colonial policies quickly drew the ire of the British authorities. Within two years, the magazine’s security deposit was confiscated, heavy fines were imposed, and it was shut down in 1914. Undeterred, Azad briefly revived his efforts with another publication, Al-Balagh, but the British response was swift and severe.
In 1916, Azad was ordered to leave Bengal and was interned in Ranchi (in present-day Jharkhand) until 1920. This period of confinement only strengthened his resolve. Far from silencing him, it provided time for reflection and cemented his belief that India’s freedom depended on the solidarity of its diverse communities, particularly Hindus and Muslims—a vision that would guide his political career.
Champion of Unity Over Division
Azad’s entry into the mainstream political arena coincided with the rise of the Indian National Congress, which he joined with a fervent commitment to its secular ethos. He emerged as a staunch opponent of the Muslim League’s Two-Nation Theory, which posited that Hindus and Muslims constituted separate nations requiring distinct homelands. For Azad, such an idea was anathema to India’s pluralistic heritage and a betrayal of the shared struggle against British rule.
In a powerful speech delivered in Agra in 1921, Azad articulated the core mission of Al-Hilal: “My first objective is Hindu-Muslim unity. I wish to tell Muslims that it is their duty to establish a bond of love and brotherhood with Hindus so that we may build a successful nation together.” This conviction was not mere rhetoric; Azad believed that unity was more vital than independence itself. In his presidential address at a special Congress session in 1923, he famously declared, “Even if a goddess descended from the heavens and offered us freedom within 24 hours in exchange for Hindu-Muslim unity, I would reject it. A delay in freedom might cause us some harm, but if our unity is broken, it will be a loss to all of humanity.”
At a time when nationalist sentiments were increasingly entangled with religious identities, Azad envisioned an India where religion, caste, sect, or gender would not obstruct equal rights—a radical stance that set him apart from many contemporaries.
Opposition to the Muslim League and Partition
As the Muslim League, led by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, gained traction with its demand for Pakistan, Azad became its most vocal critic within the Congress. On 15 April 1946, as Congress president, he delivered a scathing assessment of the Two-Nation Theory: “I have examined the Muslim League’s demand for a separate country in the form of Pakistan from every angle and concluded that this decision will not only be detrimental to India but will also exact a heavy toll on Muslims themselves. Far from being a solution, it will create more problems.”
Azad fought tirelessly to prevent the partition of India, warning of the catastrophic consequences of division. When the contours of partition became clear in 1946, and both the Congress and the Muslim League appeared resigned to it, Azad issued a chilling prophecy: “This new country, built on the foundation of hatred, will survive only as long as that hatred persists. When the fire of partition cools, this nation will begin to split into pieces.” He foresaw that Pakistan, conceived in enmity, would struggle to cohere as a unified state—an insight that would prove uncannily accurate.
The Prediction of Bangladesh’s Emergence
Azad’s warnings about Pakistan’s future were not vague generalities; they were specific and prescient. Before Pakistan’s creation in 1947, he predicted that it would not remain united, that its political leadership would be overshadowed by military rule, that it would sink under debt, and that it would face conflicts with neighbouring countries. Most strikingly, he anticipated the rise of regional identities that would fracture the nation. He cautioned that the imposition of a singular national identity based on religion would falter against the cultural and linguistic diversity of its people.
This foresight was dramatically validated in 1971, when East Pakistan—home to a Bengali-speaking majority—broke away to form Bangladesh after a bloody war of independence. The seeds of this schism were sown in Pakistan’s early years, as the dominance of West Pakistan’s Urdu-speaking elite alienated the Bengali population, who comprised over half of Pakistan’s citizens yet were marginalized politically and economically. Azad’s 1946 prediction that “this new country will begin to split into pieces” found its clearest expression in Bangladesh’s emergence, a testament to his understanding of the fragility of a state built on division rather than unity.
Warnings for Indian Muslims and Pakistan’s Future
Azad’s vision extended beyond Pakistan’s borders. He urged Indian Muslims not to migrate to Pakistan, arguing that their exodus would weaken the Muslim community in India rather than strengthen the new nation. “If you cross the border, Pakistan will not become stronger; instead, Indian Muslims will be weakened,” he cautioned. He foresaw that in Pakistan, migrants from India—later termed Muhajirs—would be treated as outsiders, while indigenous populations would assert their regional identities. “The time is not far when those already living in Pakistan will rise for their regional identity, and those coming from India will be seen as uninvited guests,” he warned.
Addressing Muslims directly, Azad emphasized the shared national bond with Hindus: “Though Hindus differ from you in religion, they are not different in terms of nationhood and patriotism. In Pakistan, however, you will be seen as citizens of another nation.” His words proved prophetic as Pakistan grappled with internal strife—between Muhajirs and local communities, and between provinces like Sindh, Balochistan, and Punjab—while Indian Muslims navigated their identity in a secular state.
Legacy and Final Years
Maulana Azad’s life was a testament to his principles. He served as India’s first Education Minister after independence, laying the foundation for institutions like the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) and championing universal education. Yet, the partition he had fought to prevent remained a source of profound sorrow. On 22 February 1958, he passed away in Delhi, leaving behind a legacy of intellectual rigor, moral courage, and an unyielding belief in unity.
Azad’s prediction of Bangladesh’s establishment in 1946 underscores his extraordinary prescience. He understood that nations forged in hatred and exclusion could not endure, a lesson borne out by Pakistan’s division less than 25 years after its birth. His advocacy for Hindu-Muslim unity, though unheeded in his time, remains a powerful vision for a pluralistic society. In an era of rising division, Azad’s life and words continue to resonate, reminding us that true strength lies in solidarity, not separation.
( Writer : Sheikh Mohammad Isa Famous Journalist and Writer From India )
Honda Motorcycle & Scooter India (HMSI) has kicked off 2025 with a bang, unveiling the updated Hornet 2.0 for the Indian market. This latest iteration brings a slew of enhancements, including an OBD2B-compliant engine, refreshed aesthetics, and modern features, all wrapped in a package starting at Rs 1.57 lakh (ex-showroom). Available at Honda’s Red Wing and BigWing dealerships, the 2025 Hornet 2.0 aims to solidify its position in the fiercely competitive 200cc motorcycle segment. Let’s dive into the details of this exciting launch.
1. Honda’s Commitment to Innovation
HMSI has been diligently updating its lineup to meet evolving emission norms and customer expectations. The 2025 Hornet 2.0 is a testament to this commitment, blending performance with sustainability through its OBD2B-compliant powertrain.
2. Pricing and Availability
Priced at Rs 1.57 lakh (ex-showroom), the Hornet 2.0 remains competitively positioned. It’s now available for purchase across India via Honda’s extensive Red Wing and premium BigWing dealership networks.
3. Aesthetic Evolution: Design Updates
The 2025 Hornet 2.0 retains its aggressive streetfighter stance but introduces subtle design tweaks. Sharp character lines and new graphics enhance its bold look, making it a head-turner on the road.
4. All-LED Lighting Setup
A major upgrade comes in the form of an all-LED lighting system, including the headlamp, taillight, and turn indicators, improving visibility and adding a premium touch.
5. Color Options Galore
Honda offers four striking color choices for the Hornet 2.0: Pearl Igneous Black, Radiant Red Metallic, Athletic Blue Metallic, and Mat Axis Gray Metallic, catering to diverse buyer preferences.
6. Engine: OBD2B Compliance Explained
The heart of the 2025 Hornet 2.0 is its OBD2B-compliant 184.40cc single-cylinder, 4-stroke engine. This update ensures adherence to India’s latest emission standards while maintaining performance.
7. Power and Torque Specifications
The engine delivers 16.76 hp at 8,500 rpm and 15.7 Nm of torque at 6,000 rpm, offering a balanced mix of power and efficiency for urban and highway riding.
8. Transmission and Clutch Enhancements
Paired with a 5-speed gearbox, the bike features an assist & slipper clutch, ensuring smooth gear shifts and preventing rear-wheel lockup during aggressive downshifts.
9. Feature-Packed TFT Display
A standout addition is the 4.2-inch TFT display, replacing the older LCD unit. It offers a crisp interface with customizable layouts and vital ride information.
10. Bluetooth Connectivity with Honda RoadSync
The TFT display integrates Bluetooth connectivity via the Honda RoadSync app, enabling call alerts, SMS notifications, and turn-by-turn navigation for a connected riding experience.
11. USB-C Charging Port
Keeping modern needs in mind, Honda has added a USB-C port, allowing riders to charge their devices on the go—a practical feature for long rides.
12. Honda Selectable Torque Control (HSTC)
The inclusion of Honda Selectable Torque Control enhances safety by preventing wheel slip in slippery conditions, a first for the Hornet 2.0.
13. Dual-Channel ABS for Enhanced Safety
The 2025 model comes equipped with dual-channel ABS, ensuring confident braking performance across varied terrains and weather conditions.
14. Unchanged Hardware: Suspension and Chassis
The bike retains its proven hardware, including an upside-down front fork and a rear monoshock, paired with a robust diamond-type frame for stability and agility.
15. Wheels and Tires
The Hornet 2.0 rolls on the same 17-inch alloy wheels with tubeless tires, offering a balance of grip and durability for Indian roads.
16. Competitive Landscape
In the 200cc segment, the Hornet 2.0 locks horns with rivals like the TVS Apache RTR 200 4V, Bajaj Pulsar NS200, and Yamaha MT-15, each bringing unique strengths to the table.
17. Target Audience
Aimed at young, urban riders seeking a blend of style, tech, and performance, the Hornet 2.0 appeals to enthusiasts and daily commuters alike.
18. Honda’s Market Strategy
By introducing these updates, Honda aims to capture a larger share of India’s growing premium motorcycle market while adhering to stricter environmental regulations.
19. Riding Experience Expectations
With its refined engine, advanced features, and sharp handling, the 2025 Hornet 2.0 promises an engaging ride, whether navigating city traffic or cruising on highways.
20. Environmental Impact and Future Readiness
The OBD2B compliance not only reduces emissions but also future-proofs the Hornet 2.0, aligning with India’s push toward cleaner, greener mobility solutions.
Conclusion: A Step Forward for Honda
The 2025 Honda Hornet 2.0 is a well-rounded update that strengthens its appeal in the competitive 200cc segment. With an eco-friendly engine, cutting-edge features like the TFT display and HSTC, and a refreshed design, it offers excellent value at Rs 1.57 lakh. Honda has struck a fine balance between performance, practicality, and style, making the Hornet 2.0 a compelling choice for riders in India. As the two-wheeler market evolves, this launch reaffirms HMSI’s dedication to innovation and customer satisfaction.
The Centre has increased the security cover for Hurriyat chairman and Kashmir chief cleric Mirwaiz Umar Farooq after a review of the threat perception, which heightened following his recent visit to New Delhi. During the visit, he submitted a memorandum to the joint parliamentary committee on the Waqf (Amendment) Bill and met with a Kashmiri Pandit group.Sources in the security establishment, while confirming the increase in his protection, said that CRPF men trained in close protection have been assigned to him. “Yes, CRPF personnel have been placed in his security detail,” a police source confirmed.
Mirwaiz was today allowed to lead the Friday congregational prayers at the historic Jamia Masjid in the heart of the old city in Srinagar, where he was seen with tight security cover, including the CRPF men. “He was under tight security cover today. There were multiple security personnel behind him while he delivered the Friday sermon,” a journalist who was at the grand mosque told News18.
The Jammu and Kashmir Police conducted an assessment of the threats generated online following his Delhi visit and his engagements there.
On his first visit to New Delhi after the abrogation of Article 370 sections and bifurcation of the state of Jammu and Kashmir into two union territories, Mirwaiz Umar Farooq, along with other religious leaders, had submitted a memorandum to the JPC as the head of Mutahida Majlis-E-Ulema and had voiced strong opposition to the proposed amendments to the Waqf (Amendment) Bill, 2024.When he was in New Delhi, he also engaged with Kashmiri Pandits, where he called for their return to the valley while acknowledging the “painful exodus”. Mirwaiz also announced the formation of an inter-community committee to facilitate the safe return of Kashmiri Pandits, promote economic development, and preserve Kashmir’s composite cultural heritage.
In 2017, his security cover was downgraded, which was later withdrawn in 2019. His father, Mirwaiz Farooq, who was also the chairman of the Jammu and Kashmir Awami Action Committee, was assassinated by Hizb-ul-Mujahideen at his residence in Nageen, Srinagar, on May 21, 1990. Last year, police said they had arrested two Hizb militants involved in the killing of Mirwaiz Farooq.
In a proactive initiative to enhance security preparedness and ensure Public safety, Anantnag Police, in collaboration with the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), conducted a comprehensive mock drill today at Bijbehara Railway Station.
The exercise simulated real-life emergency scenarios, including potential security threats, to assess the response and coordination of security forces.
It aimed to strengthen the existing security framework and ensure seamless inter-agency collaboration for safeguarding critical infrastructure and public spaces.
Personnel from SOG Anantnag and CRPF demonstrated swift and efficient response mechanisms, including evacuation procedures, crowd management, and crisis resolution. The drill also incorporated advanced equipment and tactical approaches to handle emergencies effectively.
The event was attended by DIG SKR Javid Iqbal Matoo, DIG CRPF K.S. Deswal, SSP Anantnag Dr. G.V. Sundeep Chakravarthy, SP OPS Anantnag Furqan Qadir, SP HQRS Anantnag Sajad Ahmad, along with other Senior officers from the Police and CRPF.
Former captain Inzamam-ul-Haq weighed in on the factors that could influence the outcome of the blockbuster Champions Trophy clash between India and Pakistan.
A new chapter of the fierce rivalry between India and Pakistan will unfold in Dubai on Sunday. The pressure will be high, especially after the defending champions, Pakistan, faced a 60-run defeat against New Zealand in Karachi.
With Pakistan facing a do-or-die situation and the pressure of high-stakes rivalry, their encounter on Sunday promises to be a gripping and nerve-wracking affair.
“There is always pressure. When you play just one match a year, that pressure is amplified. Nowadays, with so much cricket being broadcast, players watch each other closely. Earlier, we approached it as a team game; whichever team had the better balance had the upper hand,” Inzamam said on a special episode of JioHotstar.
Inzamam admitted that India has had a far stronger squad in recent years than Pakistan. The former batting maestro believes that India’s possessing quality all-rounders like Ravindra Jadeja and Hardik Pandya can make a huge difference in such high-profile games.
“India has had a strong team in recent years, especially with all-rounders like Ravindra Jadeja and Hardik Pandya providing balance in the lower order. In subcontinent conditions, having such players makes a huge difference. Even now, the team with better balance will have the edge,” he added.
Shahid Afridi reminisced about the days when he used to play against India in some of the jaw-dropping matches.
“For a cricketer, an India-Pakistan match is a golden opportunity, especially for youngsters. It was always my dream. Before a match, I couldn’t sleep at night–I would think about my performance and how I couldn’t afford to miss this chance. Even if I hadn’t performed in the last five or six matches, if I did well in an India-Pakistan game, everything would be forgiven. That’s how big this rivalry is,” Shahid said. (ANI)
The historic Achabal garden spring, which had dried up for the first time in history, has rejuvenated as it has returned to its original state again.
Eyewitnesses said that the water flow has been restored to its former state.
“It is heartening to see the spring replenished. I believe it is due to prayers. Even though the temperature was high, and no rain or snowfall was expected in the Valley, this revival feels miraculous,” a local resident said.
Assistant executive engineer, Jal Shakti sub-division Anantnag, Gowhar Hussain Ganie told said that water has been fully restored at the spring and the supply is running smoothly. “All water supply pipelines are functioning properly now,” he said—(KNO)
Kashmir, often referred to as “Paradise on Earth,” is a region of breathtaking natural beauty, rich cultural heritage, and profound historical significance. Nestled in the northern part of the Indian subcontinent, it has been a center of civilization, spirituality, and trade for thousands of years. But what was Kashmir called in ancient times or What is the Old Name of Kashmir ? The answer lies in the region’s deep-rooted history, mythology, and linguistic evolution.
The Ancient Name: Kashyapa Maru or Kashyapapura
The old name of Kashmir is believed to be “Kashyapa Maru” or “Kashyapapura”, derived from the name of the revered sage Kashyapa, a prominent figure in Hindu mythology. According to legend, Kashyapa played a pivotal role in the settlement and development of the region. It is said that he drained a vast lake called Satisar (the lake of the goddess Sati) to create habitable land, which later became known as Kashmir. This mythological origin is deeply embedded in the cultural and historical identity of the region.
The name “Kashmir” is thought to have evolved from “Kashyapa Maru” or “Kashyapapura”, meaning “the land of Kashyapa.” Over time, the name was shortened and adapted into various languages, including Sanskrit, Persian, and English.
Kashmir in Ancient Texts
Kashmir has been mentioned in numerous ancient texts and scriptures, further solidifying its historical significance. In the Mahabharata, one of the great epics of India, the region is referred to as “Kashmira.” The Rajatarangini, a 12th-century chronicle written by the Kashmiri historian Kalhana, also provides detailed accounts of the region’s history and its rulers. The text describes Kashmir as a land of great learning, spirituality, and natural beauty.
In Sanskrit literature, the name “Kashmira” was commonly used, and it was often associated with the valley’s fertile land, pristine rivers, and majestic mountains. The region was also known for its contributions to philosophy, art, and literature, making it a cultural hub in ancient times.
Other Historical Names
Throughout its history, Kashmir has been referred to by various names, depending on the cultural and linguistic influences of the time. For instance:
In Buddhist texts, the region is sometimes called “Kashmira Mandala,” highlighting its spiritual significance.
During the medieval period, Persian and Central Asian travelers referred to it as “Kashmir,” a name that has persisted to this day.
In some ancient Greek accounts, the region is mentioned as “Kasperia,” reflecting its prominence in trade routes connecting the East and West.
The Evolution of the Name
The name “Kashmir” has undergone several transformations over the centuries, influenced by the languages and cultures of the people who inhabited or ruled the region. From its origins in Sanskrit to its adoption in Persian, Arabic, and English, the name has retained its essence while adapting to changing times.
Conclusion
The old name of Kashmir, “Kashyapa Maru” or “Kashyapapura,” is a testament to the region’s ancient roots and its connection to sage Kashyapa. Over millennia, the name evolved into “Kashmir,” becoming synonymous with the valley’s unparalleled beauty, rich history, and cultural diversity. Today, Kashmir continues to captivate the world, not only for its scenic landscapes but also for its enduring legacy as a land of profound historical and spiritual significance.
Whether you explore its ancient texts, delve into its mythological origins, or simply marvel at its natural splendor, Kashmir remains a timeless symbol of harmony and heritage.
In a decisive action against drug trafficking and its financial networks, Police in Anantnag has attached a double-storey under-construction residential house belonging to Abdul Majeed Bhat son-in-law of Mohammad Ahsan Ganaie resident of Cheenigund, Srigufwara.
The property, spread over 1 Kanal of land and valued at ₹1 crore, has been attached under Section 68-F of the NDPS Act, as it has been linked to proceeds from drug trafficking.
The accused is involved in a major narcotics case registered under FIR No. 68/2021 at Police Station Srigufwara, wherein a substantial quantity of contraband substances was recovered.
This action highlights Police’s firm commitment to combating the drug menace and dismantling the financial networks sustaining illegal narcotics trade. By taking stringent measures, the police aim to deter criminal activities and safeguard society from the devastating impact of drug abuse.
Police urges citizens to support their efforts in building a drug-free society and reaffirms its resolve to take strict legal action against those engaged in drug-related crimes.
BJP’s Jammu and Kashmir spokesman Altaf Thakur today strongly criticized the presence of Waleed Karra, son of MLA Tariq Hamid Karra, at a high-level government review meeting in Srinagar, calling it a “blatant example of political nepotism” and a “gross violation of democratic norms.”
Thakur questioned how an unelected individual was allowed to participate in an official meeting meant for elected representatives and senior bureaucrats. “How was Waleed Karra permitted to sit in a high-level review meeting? Who authorized his presence? Why did no one object to this clear breach of protocol?” he asked.
The BJP leader accused certain politicians in Jammu and Kashmir of treating governance as their “family fiefdom,” undermining transparency and accountability. He demanded an immediate clarification from the government and urged Chief Minister Omar Abdullah to take strict action.
“The people of Jammu and Kashmir deserve a transparent and accountable administration, not dynastic rule by proxy,” Thakur asserted, warning that such incidents erode public trust and make a mockery of governance.
With a viral video also shining Waleed Karra inspecting a health facility, the controversy has sparked fresh debate over political favoritism and dynastic politics in the region. The government has yet to respond to the BJP’s accusations
