Youm-ul-Badr: History, Significance and Lessons from the Battle of Badr on 17th Ramadan

Youm-ul-Badr

Youm-ul-Badr, often referred to as Yaum-ul-Furqan or the “Day of Criterion,” marks one of the most pivotal moments in Islamic history. Observed annually on the 17th of Ramadan, this day commemorates the Battle of Badr, fought in 624 CE (2 AH) between a small band of early Muslims led by Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him – PBUH) and a much larger Meccan force from the Quraysh tribe. The victory at Badr was not merely a military triumph but a divine affirmation of faith, distinguishing truth from falsehood and bolstering the nascent Muslim community in Medina. Referred to in the Quran as the “Day of Decision,” Youm-ul-Badr symbolizes resilience, divine intervention, and the ultimate success of righteousness over oppression. This article delves into the historical backdrop, the unfolding of the battle, its profound significance, and how it continues to inspire Muslims worldwide today. Click Here To Follow Our WhatsApp Channel

Historical Context

The roots of Youm-ul-Badr trace back to the early 7th century in the Arabian Peninsula, a land of tribal rivalries, polytheistic idolatry, and stark social inequalities. Mecca, the bustling trade hub controlled by the Quraysh tribe, was home to the Kaaba – a sacred sanctuary that drew pilgrims from afar. It was here, in 610 CE, that Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) received his first revelation from Allah through the Angel Gabriel, calling him to proclaim the oneness of God (Tawhid) and combat the moral decay of society.

The Prophet’s message quickly polarized Meccan society. While a dedicated group of followers – the Sahaba (companions) – embraced Islam, the Quraysh elite, fearing loss of their religious and economic dominance, unleashed waves of persecution. Converts like Bilal ibn Rabah were tortured, and others boycotted or exiled. In 622 CE, facing imminent annihilation, the Prophet and his followers undertook the Hijrah (migration) to Yathrib (later renamed Medina), an oasis city with a mix of Jewish tribes and Arab clans seeking a mediator.

In Medina, the Prophet established the first Islamic state, forging the Constitution of Medina – a groundbreaking pact uniting Muslims, Jews, and pagans under mutual protection. However, the Quraysh did not relent. They seized Muslim properties in Mecca and plotted invasions. To sustain the community and reclaim losses, the Prophet authorized raids on Quraysh trade caravans, a common Arabian practice. These tensions simmered until early 624 CE, setting the stage for Badr.

Prelude to the Battle

By Ramadan 2 AH (March 624 CE), intelligence reached Medina of a massive Quraysh caravan returning from Syria, laden with merchandise worth 50,000 dinars and guarded by 40 men under Abu Sufyan ibn Harb. The Prophet saw this as an opportunity to strike economically, potentially forcing the Quraysh to negotiate. He mobilized 313 fighters – 82 Muhajirun (Meccan emigrants) and 231 Ansar (Medinan helpers, comprising 61 from the Aws tribe and 170 from Khazraj) – with meager resources: two horses, 70 camels (shared among riders), and provisions for a short journey. The force included 60 emigrants and the rest locals, many fasting despite the rigors of the desert march.

Alerted by scouts, Abu Sufyan rerouted the caravan safely via the coastal path and dispatched the urgent messenger Damdam bin Amr al-Ghifari to Mecca, who dramatically warned of the Muslim threat by tearing his shirt and crying alarms. This spurred the Quraysh to assemble a retaliatory army of nearly 1,000 men (estimates vary from 600 to 1,300), equipped with 100 horses and 170 camels, led by the arrogant Amr ibn Hisham (known as Abu Jahl, “Father of Ignorance”). Prominent nobles like Utbah ibn Rabi’ah and Umayyah ibn Khalaf joined, viewing the expedition as a chance to crush Islam decisively.

The Muslim army departed Medina on 10 Ramadan (12 March), taking a northern route to intercept at Badr, a fertile oasis 80 miles southwest with wells vital for travelers. En route, rain on 15 Ramadan softened the sandy soil, aiding the Muslims’ footing while bogging down the heavier Quraysh advance. Upon reaching Badr, the Prophet consulted his companions. Abu Bakr and Umar ibn al-Khattab urged resolve, while al-Miqdad ibn Amr and Sa’d ibn Mu’adh pledged unwavering support: “O Messenger of Allah, proceed as Allah has commanded you. We will not say as the Children of Israel said to Moses, ‘Go you and your Lord and fight, we will stay here.'” The Muslims seized control of the wells, poisoning or filling others to deny water to the enemy.

The Battle Unfolds

Dawn broke on 17 Ramadan (13 March 624 CE) with the two armies facing each other across the valley of Badr. The Muslims, outnumbered three-to-one, formed ranks with the Prophet directing from a shaded howdah (litter) on a camel, flanked by his standard-bearer Mus’ab ibn Umayr. The air was thick with tension as the Quraysh, confident in their superiority, advanced under colorful banners.

The clash began traditionally with single combats (mubahala). Three Quraysh champions – Utbah ibn Rabi’ah, Shaybah ibn Rabi’ah, and al-Walid ibn Utbah – stepped forward, demanding Muslim counterparts. Hamza ibn Abdul-Muttalib (the Prophet’s uncle), Ali ibn Abi Talib (his cousin), and Ubaydah ibn al-Harith responded. In fierce duels, Hamza slew al-Aswad bin Abdul-Asad (a Quraysh scout who had earlier attacked the Muslim camp), while Ali and Hamza dispatched Shaybah and al-Walid; Ubaydah was wounded but survived.

With honors thus initiated, the Prophet threw a handful of dust toward the enemy, invoking, “Defaced be those faces!” as arrows flew. The Quraysh charged, but the Muslims held firm, their lines unbreakable. Eyewitness accounts describe a supernatural pall of dust and confusion enveloping the disbelievers. The Prophet prayed fervently: “O Allah, accomplish for me what You have promised… If this band of Muslims perishes today, there will be no one left to worship You.” Tradition holds that angels, numbering 1,000 or 3,000, descended to aid the faithful, striking terror into Quraysh hearts.

By midday, the battle turned decisively. Key Muslim warriors like Ali (who slew 22 foes), Hamza, and the young Abdullah ibn Rawahah broke enemy formations. Panic spread among the Quraysh as leaders fell: Abu Jahl was mortally wounded by Mu’adh ibn Amr and finished by Abdullah ibn Mas’ud; Umayyah ibn Khalaf was killed by Bilal’s father. The rout was complete by afternoon, with the survivors fleeing toward Mecca.

Aftermath and Immediate Impact

The casualty toll underscored the miracle of Badr: 14 Muslims were martyred (six Muhajirun and eight Ansar), a profound loss for the small community, yet their sacrifice cemented their legacy. In contrast, 70 Quraysh were slain – including 13 nobles like Abu Jahl, Utbah, and Umayyah – and another 70 captured. The prisoners received exemplary treatment; the Prophet allowed ransoms (often 1,000 dirhams or release for teaching ten Muslims to read and write), and even shared meals with them, leading conversions like that of al-Abbas ibn Abdul-Muttalib (the Prophet’s uncle). Spoils of war were divided equitably, with one-fifth allocated to the Prophet for communal needs.

News of the victory electrified Medina, where women like Umm Salamah sang praises. Tribes across Arabia, previously hesitant, now courted alliances with the Muslims, recognizing their rising power. The Quraysh, humiliated, saw their prestige shattered; Abu Sufyan assumed leadership, vowing revenge that would culminate in Uhud. Badr’s veterans, known as the “Badriyyun,” earned eternal honor, their names etched in Islamic annals.

Quranic References and Spiritual Significance

The Quran immortalizes Badr as “Yawm al-Furqan” (Day of Criterion) in Surah Al-Anfal (8:41), signifying the clear demarcation between belief and disbelief, guidance and misguidance. Verses in Surah Al-Anfal detail the prelude: Allah reassures the Prophet against fear (8:5-6) and describes angelic aid (8:9-12: “I will cast terror into the hearts of those who disbelieved”). Surah Aal-E-Imran (3:123-125) emphasizes divine favor: “Allah had helped you at Badr when you were weak… Nay, but you loved that the arrow should be given by you.”

Theologically, Badr exemplifies tawakkul (reliance on God). Despite odds, victory came through unity, strategy, and faith – not numbers. It teaches that truth prevails, as echoed in hadith: “The Battle of Badr was fought on a Friday, and it was the day when Allah honored Islam and the Muslims.” Lessons include consultation (shura), as the Prophet sought counsel; mercy in victory; and gratitude, prompting increased prayers and charity.

Lessons from Youm-ul-Badr

Beyond history, Youm-ul-Badr offers timeless wisdom. First, divine support manifests in apparent weakness: outnumbered and outarmed, Muslims triumphed through piety. Second, unity among diverse groups – Muhajirun and Ansar – models communal harmony. Third, ethical warfare: no mutilation, humane treatment of foes. Fourth, strategic foresight: controlling resources like wells decided the outcome. Finally, it warns against arrogance, as Abu Jahl’s hubris led to downfall.

Scholars like Ibn Kathir in his tafsir highlight 12 lessons, including perseverance in fasting during battle and the power of dua (supplication).

Modern-Day Observance

Today, Youm-ul-Badr is commemorated globally during Ramadan, blending solemn reflection with communal gatherings. Mosques host special Jumu’ah prayers, lectures (dars), and nasheeds recounting the battle. In Pakistan and India, schools like Usman Public School organize events emphasizing “faith, sacrifice, and triumph,” with students reciting Quranic verses and sharing stories of the Sahaba.

In the West, communities like those in the US hold annual commemorations, such as the March 7, 2026, event in Medina, featuring talks on Badr’s relevance to contemporary struggles. Yemen’s Ansar Allah movement links it to political marches, affirming solidarity amid conflicts. In the UK, grand masjids like Jamiul Futuh host unified gatherings with Indian Grand Muftis, fostering interfaith dialogue. Social media amplifies these, with posts urging reflection: “On this day, Muslims around the world ponder the remarkable Battle of Badr.”

Fasting, ittar (perfume), and increased sadaqah (charity) are common, echoing the companions’ devotion.

Conclusion

Youm-ul-Badr stands as a beacon of hope, reminding humanity that no tyranny endures against steadfast faith. From the dusty sands of 624 CE to modern lecture halls, its echo resounds: “And Allah had certainly given you victory at Badr while you were few” (Quran 3:123). As Muslims gather each 17th Ramadan, they renew vows of unity and justice, ensuring the Day of Criterion illuminates paths forward. In an era of division, Badr’s legacy urges: Stand firm, trust in the Divine, and let truth prevail.

Writer : Altaf Nadwi

At 13, This Kashmiri Boy Built 31 Apps and AI Tools

Delhi Court Convicts Kashmiri Separatist Asiya Andrabi in UAPA Case

Life, Death, and the Fleeting Journey Between Hope and Reality

Life, Death

What is life but a fleeting moment between dawn and sunset: it begins with a cry and ends in silence, passing like a drifting cloud that never settles in one state. A person runs after hopes and gathers from the world whatever he can, imagining that tomorrow stretches endlessly before him. Yet suddenly he realises that life has been swifter than his own steps, and that the days have been racing him towards their end.
Then—death. That reality which never misses its appointed hour and asks permission of no one. It comes unannounced; the clamour falls silent, the voices fade, the pages are folded, and a person stands alone before what his own hands have sent ahead. Neither wealth avails, nor rank suffices, nor lineage intercedes; what remains is righteous action, sincere intention, and the good trace a person leaves in the hearts of others.Click Here To Follow Our WhatsApp Channel
Let death therefore remain present in our consciousness, not as a cause for despair, but as an impulse towards reform. It reminds us of our limits, refines our ambitions, and restores the proper balance to our hearts. Whoever prepares for it with an alert mind and a sound heart will find it a passage into mercy and justice; but whoever neglects it will be seized by it unawares, having squandered what can never be recovered.

At 13, This Kashmiri Boy Built 31 Apps and AI Tools

Delhi Court Convicts Kashmiri Separatist Asiya Andrabi in UAPA Case

Turning Away from a Troubled World: Finding Peace Through Faith and Inner Reflection

Dr Akram Nadwi

Wherever you cast your gaze, you behold rampant evil and blazing corruption; wherever you alight or journey on, trials receive you in succession like the ceaseless waves of an unquiet sea, and wars follow one upon another as though they were a fate unwilling to loosen its grip upon this earth.
Turn away from this world with deliberate resolve, and say to it in the calm of one assured: Peace be upon you; I am not of you, nor are you of me. Recite within yourself the words of the Friend: “I love not those that set.” For what declines deserves not to be adored, and what perishes ought not to be made a homeland for the heart. Click Here To Follow Our WhatsApp Channel
Fashion for yourself another world, one unseen by eyes yet apprehended by insight; a world you build in your depths, brick by brick: a brick of patience, a brick of certainty, and a roof of hope raised high above them. Turn towards your own soul as a lover turns towards the beloved, and enter into an inward retreat wherein you cleanse the mind of its impurities, the heart of its dust, and restore the spirit to its first clarity, when it was nearer to heaven than to earth.
Let not the clamour of people trouble you thereafter, nor their disputes, nor the trifles over which they contend; they are but passing shadows and a mirage that the thirsty supposes to be water. Make your chief concern the worship of your Lord and the seeking of His pleasure, and say in the humility of the knower and the certainty of the convinced: “Indeed, I have turned my face towards Him who created the heavens and the earth, inclining wholly to truth, and I am not of those who associate others with Him.”
When you do this, what was turbulent within you shall grow still, what was agitated shall be calmed, and you will perceive that though the edges of the world tremble with unrest, within the heart there remains a spaciousness for a peace no war can disturb, and a light no trial can extinguish.
Then you will understand that salvation lies not in fleeing from people, but in rising above them, elevating your soul until you behold things as they truly are: small, though they seem great; fleeting, though they appear enduring. And there remains only the Face of your Lord, full of Majesty and Honour.

At 13, This Kashmiri Boy Built 31 Apps and AI Tools

Delhi Court Convicts Kashmiri Separatist Asiya Andrabi in UAPA Case

How Iran Built Hypersonic Missile That Reaches Israel in 400 Seconds – Defying Decades of Sanctions

irani missiles

Picture this: It’s June 2023 in Tehran. Giant billboards pop up across the city, showing a sleek new missile with bold text in Persian, Arabic, and Hebrew: “400 seconds… to Tel Aviv.” The message was impossible to miss. Iran had just unveiled the Fattah-1, its first claimed “hypersonic” ballistic missile, and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) was making sure everyone — especially Israel — got the point. From launch sites in western Iran, they said, this weapon could cover roughly 1,400 km and hit Israel’s biggest city in under seven minutes. Click Here To Follow Our WhatsApp Channel

Fast-forward to early 2026, and the Fattah family isn’t just propaganda anymore. Iran has fired these missiles in real combat multiple times, rebuilt its arsenal after heavy fighting in 2024–2025, and continues to improve the system despite renewed UN sanctions. Here’s the remarkable (and controversial) story of how Iran pulled this off.

The Fattah Missiles: What Iran Actually Built

Fattah-1 was unveiled on 6 June 2023 after being announced in late 2022. Iran claims it reaches Mach 13–15 (roughly 16,000–18,500 km/h), has a 1,400 km range, and carries a 350–450 kg warhead. The key feature is a maneuverable re-entry vehicle (MaRV) with its own small solid-fuel motor and thrust-vector control, letting the warhead dodge defenses in the final phase of flight — and even do some maneuvering outside the atmosphere.

Fattah-2 followed in November 2023. It swaps in a hypersonic glide vehicle (HGV) for even more agility across the entire trajectory. Iran says it can hit 1,500 km and is even harder to intercept. Both are solid-fuel designs (at least the booster stage), meaning they can be launched quickly from mobile trucks or underground silos — a big upgrade over older liquid-fuel missiles that need hours to prepare.

The “400 seconds” claim comes straight from IRGC commander Brig. Gen. Amir Ali Hajizadeh. It’s marketing as much as math (a pure Mach-15 flight over 1,400 km would actually be faster), but the point was clear: this missile is designed to overwhelm Israel’s layered defenses — Arrow, David’s Sling, and Iron Dome.

From the Battlefield: Real-World Use (2024–2026)

Iran didn’t wait long to test its claims in combat:

  • April 2024 — First direct strike on Israel; debris analysis later confirmed Fattah-1 parts.
  • 1 October 2024 (“Operation True Promise II”) — Roughly 200 ballistic missiles, including Fattah-1s, in the largest attack yet. Some penetrated defenses and caused damage.
  • 2025 strikes (including waves in June) — Iran again claimed Fattah-1 and -2 use, with the IRGC boasting that the missiles “shook the shelters of the Zionists.”
  • Early 2026 — Amid fresh US-Israeli strikes on Iran, Tehran launched retaliatory barrages (reportedly “Operation True Promise” follow-ons) that included Fattah variants alongside Sejjil and older systems. Iranian state media and analysts say the hypersonic weapons targeted Israeli and US bases in the region.

Despite losses in the 2024–2025 exchanges, Iran has rebuilt its stockpile to an estimated 1,500–3,000+ ballistic missiles by early 2026, including precision-guided and hypersonic types. Underground “missile cities” and rapid replenishment (helped by fresh Chinese propellant shipments) made this possible.

How They Did It: Sanctions Backfired

Iran’s missile program was born in desperation. During the 1980–88 Iran-Iraq War, Saddam Hussein rained Scud missiles on Iranian cities. Tehran had almost no air force left, so it begged for help. Libya sent the first 20 Scud-Bs in 1984. North Korea and China followed with more missiles, launchers, and know-how.

Sanctions kicked in hard after the revolution and tightened over the nuclear program. Instead of crippling the effort, they forced Iran to get creative:

  • Reverse engineering became the national sport. Iranian engineers took apart imported Scuds and produced the Shahab-1 (330 km) and Shahab-2 (500 km) by the early 1990s. The Shahab-3 (based on North Korea’s Nodong) gave them a 1,300 km reach by the late 1990s.
  • Solid-fuel revolution. Older liquid-fuel missiles were slow to fuel and vulnerable on the launch pad. Iran shifted to solid propellants (thanks to the Shahid Bagheri Industrial Group) so missiles could be fired in minutes from mobile launchers or hidden silos.
  • IRGC takes charge. The Revolutionary Guard’s Aerospace Force, led for years by the late Hassan Tehrani Moghaddam (the “father of Iran’s missiles”), drove the program. Facilities like the Shahid Hemmat Industrial Group (liquid engines) and underground complexes in Khojir, Semnan, and Isfahan kept production going.
  • Space program crossover. Work on satellites gave Iran lightweight composite casings and heat-resistant materials needed for high-speed re-entry.

Universities and young engineers were pulled in. Sanctions made imports almost impossible, so Iran built its own machine tools, gyroscopes, and guidance systems. The result? A genuinely indigenous industry that now exports drones and missiles to Russia, the Houthis, and others.

The Foreign Help That Never Stopped

Self-reliance has limits. Iran still got (and gets) outside assistance, often through shadowy networks:

  • North Korea — The biggest early partner. Designs, engines, and even entire missiles flowed in the 1980s–2000s. Similarities between Iranian and North Korean systems are obvious.
  • China — Supplied components, machine tools, and — crucially — huge shipments of ammonium perchlorate and sodium perchlorate (solid-propellant ingredients). In 2025 alone, Iran received thousands of tons from China, enough for hundreds of new missiles. Recent reports suggest Beijing is also helping with anti-ship missiles.
  • Russia — More recent cooperation, especially after Iran supplied drones for Ukraine. Some analysts see Russian fingerprints in upgrades to guidance and maneuverability.

These ties continue despite sanctions because the players use front companies, third countries, and barter deals (oil for tech).

The Reality Check: Hype vs. Capability

Western and Israeli experts are skeptical about the “Mach 15” label. Most say the Fattah is not a true hypersonic glide vehicle that stays in the atmosphere at hypersonic speeds the whole way. It’s a ballistic missile with a fancy MaRV that maneuvers mainly in the terminal phase — impressive, but not revolutionary like China’s or Russia’s scramjet-powered designs.

That said, even critics admit two things:

  1. The maneuverability makes interception much harder.
  2. Iran has now proven it can hit Israel with these weapons, and some got through.

In short: not invincible, but a serious step forward that forces Israel and the US to spend billions on better defenses.

Why This Story Matters

Sanctions were meant to stop Iran from building advanced weapons. Instead, they accelerated a homegrown defense industry, pushed Tehran closer to Russia, China, and North Korea, and turned the IRGC into a missile superpower in the Middle East.

Today, the Fattah series is in serial production, Iran’s arsenal is being replenished faster than many expected, and the “400 seconds to Tel Aviv” threat feels a lot more real than it did in 2023. Whether the missiles will ever be used at full scale is a political question, not a technical one. But the fact that Iran built them at all — under the harshest sanctions in modern history — is a masterclass in resilience, reverse engineering, and geopolitical defiance.

The billboards are gone now, but the missiles remain. And in a region already on edge in 2026, that’s a message no one can ignore.

At 13, This Kashmiri Boy Built 31 Apps and AI Tools

Delhi Court Convicts Kashmiri Separatist Asiya Andrabi in UAPA Case

Kashmiri Politicians: Enemies on Stage, Brothers at Heart

Kashmiri Politicians

Politics in Kashmir is loud, emotional, and often bitter. Public speeches are filled with sharp attacks, harsh language, and constant blame. On television debates, in press conferences, and across social media, political leaders appear locked in permanent conflict. For the common Kashmiri, the message seems clear: these leaders are sworn enemies.

But that perception tells only half the story

Behind the curtains of public politics lies a quieter, rarely discussed reality. Kashmiri politicians, despite their fierce public rivalry, are often connected by personal respect, shared culture, and long-standing relationships. Away from cameras, they attend each other’s family events, offer condolences during times of loss, and extend support in moments of difficulty. In private spaces, political bitterness gives way to human connection.

This is not unique to Kashmir; it is a global political phenomenon. However, in a conflict-sensitive region like Jammu and Kashmir, the gap between public posturing and private conduct carries deeper consequences.

In public, leaders from different parties exchange strong statements, sometimes appearing incapable of sitting together. Yet in private settings—Ramadan iftar gatherings, weddings, funerals, and informal meetings—the scene is very different. They share traditional meals like wazwan, drink tea, laugh, recall old memories, and discuss issues affecting the people. These moments are real, but they are carefully kept away from public view.

The reason is political necessity. A visible display of warmth toward rivals risks alienating loyal supporters. Political survival demands a strong image of opposition, even if personal relations remain intact. As a result, political rivalry is performed on stage, while human bonds remain hidden.

The cost of this performance is paid by the people

Many ordinary Kashmiris, with their deep emotions and trusting nature, take political rhetoric at face value. They internalize the anger they see and begin to view fellow citizens through the same lens of hostility. Political rivalry at the top slowly translates into social division at the grassroots.

This is where the danger lies

Kashmiri politicians understand the difference between political competition and personal enmity. The public, however, is rarely shown this distinction. When leaders shout in public but reconcile in private, society is left carrying unnecessary bitterness, suspicion, and division.

It is important to state this clearly: Kashmiri leaders are not personal enemies of one another. Their disagreements revolve around power, policy, and votes—not hatred. Outside political platforms, many share a sense of brotherhood shaped by common culture, history, and social ties.

Recognizing this reality does not weaken democracy; it strengthens it. Disagreement is essential in politics, but manufactured hostility should not poison social harmony. In a region that has endured decades of pain and division, people deserve honesty, not theatrical hatred.

Politics may demand loud voices and sharp words, but Kashmir’s soul lies in its humanity, warmth, and shared traditions. True unity does not always require public displays of friendship. Yet when political theatre begins to divide society, it becomes necessary to remind ourselves: enemies on stage are often brothers at heart.


At 13, This Kashmiri Boy Built 31 Apps and AI Tools

Delhi Court Convicts Kashmiri Separatist Asiya Andrabi in UAPA Case

A Confession of Anger, Regret, and the Ongoing Struggle for Self-Reform

Shams Khan

I admit that the reality is this: over the past fifty years I have trained thousands of people, delivered millions of Qur’an lessons and sermons, and tried to improve others’ character — yet I could not improve my own character to the standard it should have been.

Even now, I do not have the patience I should have. I do not have the tolerance I should have. I get angry very quickly, become agitated, and then my tongue completely slips out of control.Click Here To Follow Our WhatsApp Channel

Just the other day is a clear example. A business deal was done with an organisation. Initially, the discussion continued through messages and calls. The person on the other side turned out to be Pakistani, so the communication shifted from English to Urdu.

Later in the evening, I went to their office, passing through central London. The discussion was put into writing and turned into a deal. They issued an invoice, and trusting them, I made the full payment immediately. They said I would receive the item the next day at eleven.

The next day, I started waiting from ten o’clock. When it did not arrive by eleven, I immediately called — their phone was switched off. My temper flared up, and negative thoughts began flooding my mind, mixed with abuse: Pakistanis are not trustworthy; why did I trust them; what a fool I am to fall for their sweet talk; like Hatim Tai, I kicked his grave and handed over such a large amount in one go.

A short while later, someone from their office called and said, “Sir, it will reach you within an hour.”

Even after an hour, it still did not arrive. I called again, and the poor man kept saying politely, “Sir, please give us just one more hour.”

Another hour passed. I called their other office; from there too I received the same soft and courteous response: “Sir, there has been a small administrative issue.”

That’s when I completely lost control. I called and messaged for the third and fourth time, hurling abuse and using words close to outright insults, saying, You Pakistanis are all the same — cheats, fraudsters.

During this time, I started searching for contacts and emails of the police, intelligence, and scam and fraud departments to teach them a lesson. I threatened them, saying that if this was not resolved within two hours, I would personally come to their office and report them to all the relevant departments — this is not Pakistan, this is Britain, where you can commit fraud so easily.

Those poor people, one after another, kept pleading, apologising, while I was raging like fire.

Eventually, within two hours, the item I had purchased was delivered, and I finally calmed down.

Later, I felt deep regret over my behaviour and my words. I kept seeking forgiveness from Allah through prayers, and I also apologised to those Pakistani people.

And once again I started thinking: the reality is that over the past fifty years I have trained thousands of people and worked on improving their character, yet I could not improve my own character to the level it should have been.

Even now, I lack the patience I should have. I lack the tolerance I should have. I get angry too quickly, become provoked, and then my tongue is no longer under control.

May Allah forgive me and continue to grant me the ability to constantly reform myself.

رَبَّنَا ظَلَمْنَا أَنفُسَنَا وَإِن لَّمْ تَغْفِرْ لَنَا وَتَرْحَمْنَا لَنَكُونَنَّ مِنَ الْخَاسِرِينَ”

“Our Lord, we have wronged ourselves, and if You do not forgive us and have mercy upon us, we will surely be among the losers.”

Writer of This Article is Shams Khan Uk

At 13, This Kashmiri Boy Built 31 Apps and AI Tools

Delhi Court Convicts Kashmiri Separatist Asiya Andrabi in UAPA Case

Complaint Against Misleading Haj Training by Trainer

J&K Haj

The Hajj Executive Office
J&K Haj Committee,
Srinagar/Jammu.
Sub:Complaint regarding Haj training.
Sir/ Madam,
With due regard I have to express my concern about the Haj training sessions conducted by your committee. I have recently attended a training programme at Masjid Firdosabad Sunjwan,Jammu, where the trainer made irrelevant statements about Haj rituals and claimed Haj is not acceptable a pilgrim with a short or no beard on his face and exaggerated the importance of 100 rakats of Tahajjud during Haj. Such distortions are misleading and compromise the sanctity and spirit of Haj experience.
The trainers lack in Islamic academic background and aren’t well equipped to impart updated training to facilitate the performance as per the standards of Haj. I, therefore, request you to kindly:

  • Review trainer qualifications and credentials
  • Ensure trainers are knowledgeable about Haj rituals and Islamic teachings
  • Take action to prevent such distortions in future training sessions
  • Include scholars with expertise in Fiqh and Hadith to oversee training content
  • Provide pilgrims with authentic study materials based on Quran and Sunnah
  • Conduct refresher courses for trainers to update their knowledge
  • Establish a feedback mechanism for pilgrims to report inaccuracies.
  • ⁠Lady Haj trainers should be inducted for the training of female pilgrims,
  • ⁠Ensure use of digital display systems such as Interactive whiteboard with maps of the holy sites.
    This will definitely help pilgrims to receive accurate information and perform their Haj with ease according to the teachings of Quran and Sunnah.

Sincerely,
Abdul Qayyum Nadvi,
Intending Pilgrim,
Bathindi Jammu.
*Copy to the worthy Chairperson for information;
*Copy to the district Haj officers.
Dated: 05.02.2026

Saif al-Islam Gaddafi Killed: The End of a Shadow That Haunted Libya’s Revolution

The Shadow Finally Ends

For more than a decade after Libya’s 2011 revolution, one name continued to cast a long shadow over the country’s broken politics: Saif al-Islam Gaddafi. Once groomed as his father’s successor, later a wanted war crimes suspect, and in recent years a controversial political comeback figure, Saif al-Islam symbolised Libya’s unresolved past.

Today, that chapter ended.
Saif al-Islam Gaddafi was killed, according to reports, bringing a dramatic close to one of the most unsettling storylines of Libya’s post-revolution era. Click Here To Follow Our WhatsApp Channel

His death does not simply mark the fall of an individual. It exposes the depth of Libya’s failure to achieve justice, reconciliation and stable governance since the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi.


From Reformist Image to Revolutionary Enemy

Before 2011, Saif al-Islam presented himself as the modern face of the Gaddafi regime. Educated in the UK and fluent in English, he spoke about reform, civil society and opening Libya to the world. Western governments saw him as a bridge to gradual change.

That image collapsed when protests erupted. In a televised speech, he warned Libyans of “rivers of blood” and pledged loyalty to the regime’s violent crackdown. The International Criminal Court later issued a warrant for his arrest for crimes against humanity.

From that moment, he became inseparable from the brutality of the old regime.


Capture, Survival and Political Return

Captured alive in 2011, Saif al-Islam spent years in detention under militia control, surviving while Libya descended into chaos. A death sentence issued in Tripoli and an unresolved ICC case kept him in legal limbo, while state authority continued to crumble.

His release in 2017 allowed him to quietly rebuild influence. By 2021, he re-emerged as a presidential candidate, appealing to tribes and communities exhausted by war and instability. His message was simple: unity, sovereignty and an end to chaos.

Though elections collapsed, he remained politically active, becoming a living reminder of how unfinished Libya’s revolution truly was.


Why His Death Matters

Saif al-Islam’s killing removes one of Libya’s most polarising figures, but it does not resolve the problems that allowed his return.

To supporters, he represented lost stability.
To opponents, he embodied repression and bloodshed.

His survival for so long reflected the failure of Libya’s institutions — courts, governments and reconciliation efforts — to deliver justice or closure. His death, coming outside any clear legal process, underlines that failure even more sharply.


Conclusion: Closure Without Resolution

The death of Saif al-Islam Gaddafi ends a political ghost story, but it does not heal Libya’s wounds. The country remains divided, armed groups still dominate, and foreign influence continues to shape its future.

For some Libyans, his killing will feel like long-delayed justice. For others, it will deepen fears of endless cycles of revenge.

What is certain is this:
Saif al-Islam Gaddafi’s life — and death — stand as proof that Libya’s revolution never truly finished. It removed a dictator, but never replaced him with a state strong enough to move forward.

At 13, This Kashmiri Boy Built 31 Apps and AI Tools

Delhi Court Convicts Kashmiri Separatist Asiya Andrabi in UAPA Case

Prof. Khurshid Iqbal Andrabi: A Life in Research, Teaching & Leadership

Prof. Khurshid Iqbal Andrabi

Prof. Khurshid Iqbal Andrabi: A Life in Research, Teaching & Leadership

In the world of academia, few careers are as distinguished as those that masterfully weave together groundbreaking research, dedicated teaching, and visionary leadership. Professor Khurshid Iqbal Andrabi, the 19th Vice-Chancellor of the University of Kashmir, exemplifies this rare blend. His journey from the laboratories of Harvard to the administrative helm of one of India’s premier universities is a story of intellectual brilliance, unwavering commitment to education, and profound service to his homeland.

From Srinagar to the Global Scientific Stage

Born in Srinagar on July 15, 1963, Khurshid Andrabi’s academic prowess was evident early. His foundational training in biochemistry began at the prestigious Postgraduate Institute of Medical Education and Research (PGIMER) in Chandigarh, where he not only earned his master’s degree in 1985 with a gold medal and distinction but also completed his PhD in 1990.

The quest for deeper knowledge took him across the Atlantic for postdoctoral research at some of America’s finest institutions. His tenure at Harvard Medical School and Massachusetts General Hospital (1992-1996) was particularly formative. Here, he worked on insulin receptor signaling in collaboration with Nobel Laureate Edwin G. Krebs, immersing himself in the then-nascent field of molecular cell signaling—a focus that would define his life’s work.Click Here To Follow Our WhatsApp Channel

A Pioneer in Kashmir’s Biotechnology Landscape

After nearly a decade abroad, including a stint as an Assistant Professor at the Cleveland Clinic Foundation, Prof. Andrabi made a pivotal decision: to return to Kashmir and contribute directly to its academic growth. Joining the University of Kashmir as faculty, he played an instrumental role in establishing the Department of Biotechnology in 2003.

Under his stewardship as its founding head, the department grew from an idea into a nationally recognized centre of excellence, gaining support and acclaim from the Government of India’s Department of Biotechnology (DBT). This was a legacy-building act—creating an ecosystem for advanced biological research in the Valley that would nurture generations of future scientists.

The Researcher: Decoding Cellular Mysteries

At his core, Prof. Andrabi remained a dedicated researcher. His primary area of investigation is cell signaling, with a specific emphasis on the mTORC1 pathway. This complex biological mechanism is crucial for understanding cellular growth, metabolism, and survival. His work has provided significant insights into how dysregulation of this pathway contributes to major human ailments, including cancer, diabetes, and aging. With over 85 published research papers and the guidance of more than 25 PhD and 20 MPhil students, he has built a robust research legacy that continues to impact the global scientific community.

The Leader: Stewardship as Vice-Chancellor

In 2014, his proven capabilities as an administrator—having served as Dean, Head of Department, and Director of Research—led to his appointment as the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Kashmir. His tenure from 2014 to 2018 was marked by efforts to modernize academic infrastructure, promote research culture, and navigate the university through challenging times with a focus on stability and academic integrity. He championed the integration of the university’s rich traditional strengths with the demands of 21st-century science and humanities.

A Trusted Voice in Academia

Beyond the university campus, Prof. Andrabi’s expertise has been sought by numerous national and international bodies. He has served as a member of the University Grants Commission (UGC) Peer Team, contributed to advisory boards for the Department of Science and Technology (DST), and been associated with the Indo-Australian Higher Education Commission and the British Council for Higher Education. His role as an editor and reviewer for several international journals underscores his standing in the global academic fraternity.

The Enduring Legacy

Today, even after his vice-chancellorship, Prof. Khurshid Iqbal Andrabi remains a professor in the department he helped create—a full-circle moment for a man dedicated to the cycle of learning and mentorship. His life stands as a powerful testament to the idea that true academic greatness lies not just in personal achievement, but in the ability to build institutions, mentor minds, and illuminate pathways for others to follow. In the annals of Kashmiri and Indian academia, he is remembered not only as a scientist and a leader but as a builder of futures.

At 13, This Kashmiri Boy Built 31 Apps and AI Tools

Delhi Court Convicts Kashmiri Separatist Asiya Andrabi in UAPA Case

Article 35A Explained: The Special Law That Defined Jammu & Kashmir

Article 35A

Article 35A: The Complete Story of Kashmir’s “Special Status” Law

For decades, a single constitutional provision stood at the heart of India’s most complex political and emotional debate: Article 35A. More than just a legal clause, it was the bedrock of Jammu & Kashmir’s unique identity within India—a symbol of autonomy for its supporters, and a mark of discrimination for its critics. To understand the journey of modern Jammu & Kashmir, you must understand the story of Article 35A: where it came from, what it did, why it sparked such passion, and how it came to an end.


1. The Origin Story: A Promise of Protection

Article 35A didn’t come from India’s original Constitution. It was born in 1954 through a Presidential Order rooted in Article 370—the article that granted Jammu & Kashmir its special autonomous status after it acceded to India in 1947. Think of it like this: Article 370 was the framework of the special relationship, and Article 35A was the key rule created under it. It was designed to protect the state’s demographic character after the turmoil of Partition by letting the state itself define who belonged there.

2. The Core Function: Defining the “Permanent Resident”

So what did Article 35A actually do? In simple terms, it gave the Jammu & Kashmir legislature the exclusive power to define the state’s “Permanent Residents.” Only these residents could access a special set of rights that were off-limits to other Indian citizens. This wasn’t just about voting—it was about creating a legal fence around jobs, land, and state benefits. Click Here To Follow Our WhatsApp Channel

3. The Special Rights: Land, Jobs and Identity

Under Article 35A, being a Permanent Resident came with concrete privileges:

  • Property Ownership: Only residents could buy land or a house in Jammu & Kashmir.
  • State Government Jobs: Public sector employment was reserved for them.
  • State Scholarships and Educational Aid.
  • Political Rights: Only residents could vote in state elections or run for the state assembly.

In essence, Article 35A made residency a prerequisite for full economic and political participation in the state.

4. The Rising Controversy: Charges of Discrimination

Over time, Article 35A became deeply controversial. Critics argued it was unfair and unconstitutional on several grounds:

  • Gender Bias: If a Kashmiri woman married an “outsider” (a non-resident Indian), she could lose her residency status and property rights—a rule later softened but not fully resolved.
  • Stranded Communities: Groups like the Valmikis (brought as sanitation workers in 1957) and West Pakistan Refugees (who fled in 1947/65) lived there for generations but were denied full residency rights—barring them from most jobs and property ownership.
  • Constitutional Questions: Many legal experts argued that because Article 35A was added via Presidential Order—bypassing Parliament’s amendment process—it was legally shaky. They also said it violated the Indian Constitution’s promise of equality and the right to settle anywhere in India.
5. The Legal and Political Standoff

For years, Article 35A was challenged in the Supreme Court, which heard arguments but never gave a final verdict. Politically, opinions were sharply split:

  • In Kashmir: Mainstream parties saw Article 35A as an “article of faith”—essential to protecting Kashmiri identity and autonomy.
  • In New Delhi and Jammu: Many, including the BJP and groups in Jammu, saw it as an unfair anomaly that held back investment, fueled separatism, and denied rights to women and refugees.

6. The Historic Revocation: August 2019

The debate reached a dramatic climax in August 2019. The Central Government took these decisive steps:

  1. A New Presidential Order replaced the 1954 order that contained Article 35A, effectively voiding it.
  2. Article 370 itself was revoked through a Parliamentary resolution.
  3. Jammu & Kashmir was reorganized into two Union Territories.

Since Article 35A existed only through Article 370, its legal foundation disappeared overnight.


The Legacy: What Remains After Article 35A

Today, Article 35A is history—but its legacy is very much alive.

  • For Supporters of the move, its end corrected a “historical wrong,” opened the path for economic investment, and brought equality by allowing all Indian citizens to own property and access opportunities in the region.
  • For Critics, its revocation marked the unilateral end of a constitutional promise, deepening a sense of political disempowerment in Kashmir and raising concerns about demographic change.

Article 35A was more than law—it was a defining marker of identity and belonging. Its story captures the tension between regional autonomy and national integration, between protection and discrimination. Whether seen as a shield or a barrier, understanding Article 35A remains essential to understanding the past and navigating the future of Jammu & Kashmir.

At 13, This Kashmiri Boy Built 31 Apps and AI Tools

Delhi Court Convicts Kashmiri Separatist Asiya Andrabi in UAPA Case